全文获取类型
收费全文 | 134篇 |
免费 | 10篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 8篇 |
世界政治 | 20篇 |
外交国际关系 | 2篇 |
法律 | 71篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 42篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 1篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 1篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 8篇 |
2012年 | 6篇 |
2011年 | 6篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 11篇 |
2007年 | 9篇 |
2006年 | 9篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有144条查询结果,搜索用时 312 毫秒
91.
ROBERT APEL SHAWN BUSHWAY ROBERT BRAME AMELIA M. HAVILAND DANIEL S. NAGIN RAY PATERNOSTER 《犯罪学》2007,45(1):67-97
A large body of research has consistently found that intensive employment during the school year is associated with heightened antisocial behavior. These findings have been influential in prompting policy recommendations to establish stricter limits on the number of hours that students can work during the school year. We reexamine the linkage between first‐time work at age 16 during the school year and problem behaviors. Our analysis uses group‐based trajectory modeling to stratify youths based on their developmental history of crime and substance abuse. This stratification serves to control for preexisting differences between workers and nonworkers and permits us to examine whether the effect of work on problem behaviors depends on the developmental history of those behaviors. Contrary to most prior research we find no overall effect of working on either criminal behavior or substance abuse. However, we do find some indication that work may have a salutary effect on these behaviors for some individuals who had followed trajectories of heightened criminal activity or substance abuse prior to their working for the first time. 相似文献
92.
93.
This article analyzes current trends in toll motorway privatization in Europe as an illustration of the paradox of simultaneous deregulation/privatization and reregulation. Changes in the form of government intervention are identified as transitions from internal control on processes and inputs to external control on performance outputs. The state guarantees its capability to intervene and seek its own objectives even when giving up public property. In fact, output regulation is a partial substitute for public ownership. We analyze the hypothesis that privatization of motorways spurs price regulation. Indeed, we observe that toll regulation becomes more detailed as the private sector increases in size, which is a regular reaction across different institutional frameworks. This result is consistent with the literature on the rise of a regulatory state, which emerges with a new mode of governance based on indirect government. Moreover, the study provides evidence of the importance of temporal context in modeling public sector restructuring. 相似文献
94.
SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON ANWAR IBRAHIM SHEIKH SAUD NASSER AL‐SABBAH MOHAMAD MAHATHIR MOHAMAD KHATAMI MASOUMEH EBTEKAR ABDULLAHI AHMED AN'NA'IM HASSAN AL‐TURABI GABER ASFOUR MICHAEL M. J. FISCHER NILÜFER GÖLE MARTIN MARTY FARIDA FAOUZIA CHARFI LESZEK KOLAKOWSKI MUNAWAR AHMED ANEES DANIEL J. BOORSTIN RYSZARD KAPUSCINSKI IMMANUEL WALLERSTEIN JEAN DANIEL REGIS DEBRAY MAHMOUD HUSSEIN TAHAR BEN JELLOUN KANAN MAKIYA 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):14-17
95.
With prison, jail, and probation caseloads overloaded, financial penalties appeal as alternative sanctions. Using probation data for cases sentenced in municipal courts, this paper presents regression analyses suggesting that judges tended to employ rational discretion in imposing economic sanctions, for monetary assessments without jail were most likely to be given to low-risk offenders and assignment of probation alone and jail terms was most strongly influenced by offense. The amount of the financial sanction was also significantly related to the type of crime. Controlling for individual attributes and offense, the odds of subsequent arrest and incarceration were significantly less for those given a financial penalty than for those receiving a jail sentence. 相似文献
96.
Research assessing the capacity of a cultural explanation to account for the relationship between certain structural positions and high rates of criminal violence has ignored a significant intervening variable. That variable is disputatiousness—the likelihood of being offended by a negative outcome and seeking reparation through protest. This article develops a cultural model of disputatiousness and aggressiveness. It hypothesizes that individuals who occupy positions featuring high rates of violence are more likely than their counterparts to be offended by a negative outcome, to protest the injury, and to use force when the protest fails. It also hypothesizes that differential disputatiousness and aggressiveness are most pronounced when the negative outcome involves an attack on the self by an equal in a public setting. Testing these hypotheses calls for individual level data bearing on behavioral dispositions under a variety of circumstances. A methodological procedure for collecting such data is proposed, and suggestions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
97.
98.
DANIEL GLASER 《犯罪学》1978,16(2):209-224
99.
100.
Over 100 years ago, juvenile courts emerged out of the belief that juveniles are different from adults—less culpable and more rehabilitatable—and can be "saved" from a life of crime and disadvantage. Today, the juvenile justice system is under attack through increasing calls to eliminate it and enactment of statutes designed to place younger offenders in the adult justice system. However, little evidence exists that policy makers have taken the full range of public views into account. At the same time, scholarly accounts of calls to eliminate the juvenile justice system have neglected the role of public opinion. The current study addresses this situation by examining public views about 1) abolishing juvenile justice and 2) the proper upper age of original juvenile court jurisdiction. Particular attention is given to the notion that child‐saving and "get tough" orientations influence public views about juvenile justice. The analyses suggest support for the lingering appeal of juvenile justice among the public and the idea that youth can be “saved,” as well as arguments about the politicization and criminalization of juvenile justice. They also highlight that the public, like states, holds variable views about the appropriate age of juvenile court jurisdiction. We discuss the implications of the study and avenues for future research. Why is it not just and proper to treat these juvenile offenders, as we deal with the neglected children, as a wise and merciful father handles his own child whose errors are not discovered by the authorities? Why is it not the duty of the state, instead of asking merely whether a boy or a girl has committed a specific offense, to find out what he is, physically, mentally, morally, and then if it learns that he is treading the path that leads to criminality, to take him in charge, not so much to punish as to reform, not to degrade but to uplift, not to crush but to develop, to make him not a criminal but a worthy citizen. 相似文献